UCT as a model of South Africa’s future

Since my days as a student at the University of Cape Town (UCT), I have always thought of it as a microcosm of South Africa. UCT offers a snapshot of the country, a window into its undercurrents and future. There are many reasons for this, but the most compelling is that UCT graduates go on to hold leadership positions throughout South Africa. UCT leaders today are South Africa’s leaders tomorrow.

How are things at UCT today?

In his book The Fall of the University of Cape Town, David Benatar argues that UCT has shifted from academic independence to ideological conformity, characterised by racialised politics, administrative capitulation, and self-censorship. According to Benatar, affirmative-action policies and activist pressure have eroded meritocracy and incentivised managerial appeasement rather than academic leadership. Well, isn’t that lovely.

Similar concerns have been raised by Professor Timothy Crowe. He says that political activism, identity-based pressures, and ideological campaigns, particularly from groups like the Black Academic Caucus (BAC) and student activists aligned with the Economic Freedom Fighters Student Command (EFF-SC), have increasingly shaped university governance, curriculum, and research priorities.

He argues that this has undermined the traditional mechanisms of evidence-based debate and peer-reviewed academic inquiry that historically underpinned UCT’s reputation. High-profile cases, such as the forced resignation of Professor Anton Fagan, illustrate the consequences of these pressures on individual academics and the broader culture. Crowe contends that a focus on identity, ideology, and activism now often takes precedence over merit and scholarly achievement. Wow UCT sounds like paradise.

These comments by Benatar and Crowe find reality in the experience of a postgraduate student who applied for a junior technical role in UCT’s ICT Services this year. After the interview, he was told that his chances were slim because he is white. Incidents like this show that hiring and advancement are shaped less by competence and more by transformation targets.

Another example of what Benatar and Crowe describe is the dominance of radical movements like the Economic Freedom Front (EFF). The EFF have consistently dominated the Student Representative Council (SRC). Here is a letter from the Communication and Marketing department of UCT regarding the SRC election from 2024/25.

Dear colleagues and students

The University of Cape Town’s (UCT) Students’ Representative Council (SRC) for the 2024/25 term has been constituted following elections held from Monday, 16 September 2024 to Friday, 20 September 2024.

This year, 7 519 students participated in the elections, representing 28.78% of UCT’s total student body of 26 124 – a turnout that met the required 25% threshold for SRC constitution.

The Economic Freedom Fighters Students’ Command (EFFSC) won 10 seats, followed by the South African Students Congress (SASCO) with five seats.

The newly-elected SRC will officially assume office on Friday, 1 November 2024 and will serve until 31 October 2025…

What this letter indicates is that the active voters from the next generation are supporting radical political parties like the EFF who openly speaking about slitting the “throat of whiteness” and killing “the Boer.” Studying the SRC at UCT provides a glimpse into the voting preferences of the next generation because UCT is a microcosm of South Africa. In 2025, the Democratic Alliance (DA) is largely irrelevant at UCT. However, if the DA becomes the ANC then perhaps she will make a comeback. Perhaps.

UCT today illustrates what is shaping South Africa in a broad sense. If other institutions follow, which seems likely since future leaders are coming from universities like UCT, South Africa will confront a difficult combination: declining professional standards, an anti-white sentiment, weakened public trust, and governance characterised by failure rather than competence. The consequences would include failures in health care, infrastructure maintenance, and public administration, particularly if key roles are filled without regard to skills or performance.

Yet institutional decay rarely spreads uniformly. Historically, periods of political or administrative weakness have been accompanied by parallel growth in civil society, faith-based organisations, and decentralised networks outside the political system. The question for those living in South Africa is not whether change is coming, but how communities and businesses will prepare for it.

How do we prepare for the future of South Africa? At this late stage the only viable strategy is partition, ring-fence, the building of lager. It’s radical decentralization. When a fire rages, firebreaks are necessary; in a sea of chaos, islands must be created. Just as people in the Dark Ages lived around fortified castles, we too must establish castles.

The role of the church is also critically vital, as this is also a spiritual battle. The church must evangelize the next generation. Pastors must reach out to young people with the gospel of Jesus, guiding them to be saved from their sin and ungodly ideologies.

What is certain is that South Africa’s next era will be shaped less by the generation that ended apartheid and more by the one now entering adulthood. Their attitudes, aspirations, and disillusionments are already visible. Whether we navigate this transition with stability or turbulence will depend on how quickly we can build strong institutions. At this late stage, voting is not enough and neither is leaving. Stay and fight! Do what is in the interest of your local community.